Incomplete faction - Paris mayor announces new Marchelib' shoe sharing scheme

Do you live in or around Paris? Or are you thinking of a trip to the French capital?

Well here's some news for all those trying to make their way around the City of Light.

The mayor of Paris, Bertrand Delanoë, has plans to make it easier for you.

A bit wobbly on two wheels and still unsure as to whether you can defend yourself in the precarious bicycle lanes that have been squeezed out of the existing roads?

Fed up of going bumper-to-bumper and getting nowhere slowly on the Boulevard Périphérique, the ring road separating Paris from its suburbs?

Not keen on suffering unwanted, almost sexual, encounters while sardined into the Métro?

Delanoë,  has the answer.

First he gave us Vélib', the bicycle sharing system launched in the summer of 2007.

Then Delanoë introduced the electric car sharing Autolib' programme guaranteed to annoy any driver stuck behind one of those flippin' dinky toys and render even the most mild-mannered motorist (not easy in Paris) barmy.

And now he's planning to go one step further with the world's first ever shoe sharing scheme - Marchelib'.

The idea is a simple one: using the same pick up and drop off stations already available for Velib', Parisians, out-of-towners, visitors - in fact just about everyone - will be able to grab a pair of walking shoes or boots and strut their stuff happily through the City of Light.

The announcement came on Monday as part of a package of measures aimed at trying to reduce pollution levels in Paris - still too high at certain times of the year and which contravene EU regulations - and simultaneously piss off the maximum number of motorists.

Among the proposals are a reduction of the speed limit on the ever-flowing (as if) Boulevard Périphérique from 80km/h to 70km/h (as if), a ban all cars older than 17 years from the city centre (and drivers with less than 17 years of experience), the introduction of a péage, or toll, on the motorways immediately surrounding the capital to limit the number of trucks and the launch of Marchelib'.

"These propositions represent a new step in our battle against pollution," Delanoë said on RTL radio.

"Parisians have changed their habits in the past decade because we've dared (to introduce progressive policies) but pollution still remains a scourge," he continued.

Delanoë added that Marchelib' would not only help cut drastically the levels of pollution, it would also make Parisians fitter, healthier and give a boost to the economy by insisting that the shoes supplied would only be "Made in France".

The mayor, a prominent member of the Socialist party, said he would be talking to the government minister in charge of industrial renewal, Arnaud Montebourg, to help draw up a list of French cobblers who could meet the new schemes requirements.

Time to strut your stuff.

Take it away Nancy!

A wet welcome in Warsaw as Sarkozy gets left out in the cold

This week saw the revival of the Weimar Triangle summit, a get-together of the Polish, French and German leaders "intended to promote co-operation" between the three countries.

It's an informal arrangement which allows a meeting of minds and an exchange of ideas between the leaders of three of the European Union's largest countries (in terms of population).

The event first took place in 1991 and was held regularly until 2006, when the late Polish president, Lech Kaczynski, put an end to them because he was upset at the way in which he was covered in the German media.

Monday's meeting in Warsaw was a chance for the Polish president, Bronisław Komorowski, to resuscitate the event by playing host, and also preparing the ground for Poland which will take over the six-month rotating presidency of the EU in July.

But somehow Komorowski's interpretation of "informal" seemed to go just a little too far as he committed a series of gaffes which left the Polish media amused with his apparent lack of "savoir faire" when it comes to diplomatic protocol.

First up as the German chancellor, Angela Merkel, and the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, arrived at the Wilanów palace to be met by their host, nobody really seemed to know who should enter first or where they should go.

Television news reports showed Sarkozy almost being left behind and then having to be pointed in the right direction by an attending official.



As the leaders stood on a podium in front of the palace with the flags of the three countries fluttering in the background while their respective national anthems were played, it became clear that someone has made a protocol faux pas as the position of the flags didn't correspond with that of the leaders.

But that was nothing, as far as the Polish media was concerned, to the embarrassment of seeing just one umbrella held up to protect the three leaders from the rain.

Because it didn't - shelter them that is. Merkel and Komorowski were covered, but Sarkozy was quite literally left out in the rain.

Merkel and Komorowski sheltered by an umbrella. Sarkozy left standing in the rain (screenshot from Polish television news report)

Interviewed on Polish television, Janusz Sibor, a specialist in diplomatic protocol, said quite clearly that each guest should have been provided with an umbrella, and if anyone had to get wet then it should been the host.

And it brought short shrift from a former head of diplomatic protocol, Jan Piekarski.

“To me, this is quite simply a lack of manners,” he is quoted as saying.

Out of the rain and into the palace, Komorowski once again showed his lack of social graces when he quite happily plonked himself down in a chair not waiting for either of the others to be seated.

"This again seems to me a break with protocol," said Sibor. "The order should be exactly the same as it is when seating guests at home for dinner. The host should show the others where to sit and then take his or her place last."

Amusement and embarrassment might well characterise the Polish media's coverage of what happened, but Sarkozy clearly didn't seem to be too put out and he even went as far as to praise Komorowski for his idea of inviting Russian president Dmitri Medvedev to the next meeting.

Perhaps though a word or two should be whispered in Komorowski's ear before Poland takes over that rotating EU presidency...along the lines of, "Mind you manners Mr President."

France's embarrassment and anger over Strategic Airlines

Strategic Airlines - a charter company banned by France - makes a mockery of the country's civil aviation authority and takes advantage of a lack of European Union-wide regulations.

(screenshot from TF1 news)

In a special report during its prime time news on Monday, French television channel TF1 looked at how a European subsidiary of the Australian-based company Strategic Airlines had managed to flout a ban placed on it by the French civil aviation authority last September.

The charter airline simply moved its headquarters to neighbouring Luxembourg, as a "completely separate subsidiary" gained a licence from that country's aviation authority, and continued its flights from French airports to destinations in Greece and Portugal.

Strategic Airlines first gained a licence to fly in Europe in 2009 but its name soon became synonymous, as far as passengers and authorities in France were concerned, with technical problems and delays.

Complaints about waits of up to 30 hours because of technical problems and 'planes described by passengers as "flying coffins" as well as spot-checks carried out French civil aviation authority officials led to its licence being revoked in September 2010.

But just a few weeks later the company was back in business.

It had found a loophole in European Union regulations: there is no single agency within the 27-member state bloc responsible for overseeing airlines.

Perhaps the European Aviation Safety Agency would be the body most able to fulfil that function, but its role is limited as it makes clear on its website.

"The Agency works hand in hand with the national authorities which continue to carry out many operational tasks, such as certification of individual aircraft or licencing of pilots."

In other words each member state is responsible for deciding whether a licence will be issued to an airline and although a blacklist of airlines exists, it only applies to non-European companies.

And, according to Gilles Gompertz the general manager of the airline consulting business Avico, Strategic took full advantage of the inadequacy of EU-wide regulations.

"We closed the the door (to the airline) in September 2010 and one month later we opened the window," he said.

"What cannot be explained is the refusal by the company to correct faults and to return to the market after it has effectively been banned. That's shocking."

While Luxembourg's civil aviation authority is apparently "keeping a close eye" on Strategic's operations, it did little to prevent the airline once again upsetting passengers in December, this time those bound for the island of Madeira.

After a 10-hour wait, they were informed that their 'plane had been cancelled - an incident the airline put down to having been the fault of the tour operator.

Rachida Dati counter-attacks

The former French justice minister, Rachida Dati, has given her side of the story to the recently televised clip in which, during a personal 'phone call, she appears to be expressing her frustrations about her job as a European parliamentarian and how she's convinced she won't see it through to the end of her mandate.

Interviewed on national radio on Tuesday, Dati counter-attacked, saying that the private telephone conversation should not have been included in the programme, and she found it regrettable that it had been used.

M6 : Dati contre-attaque
par Europe1fr

"I find it a little lamentable that a recorded conversation with a friend was transmitted," she said, adding that it had been at the end of a session and that the idea (of her participation in the documentary) had been not to reveal aspects of her private life.

"The clip only reflected one side of the conversation and was disconnected from the responses of my friend on the other end of the line," she continued.

As for the impression that might have been made that she was not necessarily taking the job seriously, Dati was adamant that since the recording (in September) she had attended every session of the parliament and had every right to be angry at the polemic that had surrounded the airing of the clip.

"What I said in no way reflected a lack of enthusiasm for the European parliament or the work I do here," she said.

"At no moment did I express any reservations or a lack of keenness for the European parliament.'

And just to make matters clear, Dati put the whole conversation into context; a return just after the summer break, her beginning to organise her daily schedule at the parliament and how to balance her private life with her professional one.

"The same thing wouldn't have happened to a man," she said.

"When I arrived here, my routine was followed and journalists were interested to see whether I was really present.

"I can also feel some irritation. I am also human," she added.

Ah well the polemic continues and one thing's for sure: Dati is capable of making headlines in France even if she's far away from what's happening on the domestic political front and has, as she claimed "never sought to attract the attention of the media."

Ahem.

Rachida Dati - hardly a model European parliamentarian

It's surely a tough life being a European parliamentarian especially when you weren't that keen on the job in the first place and now find yourself having to spend your time shuttling between Brussels and Strasbourg.

There are those interminable debates to attend, innumerable meetings to show up at, issues that might be a little (or a lot) out of your league when the micro is thrust your way for an "informed" opinion and all that while keeping an eye on what's happening back home where you really, really want to be.

But if you're Rachida Dati, the former French justice minister (and current mayor of the VII arrondissement in Paris), it's simple to dispel any rumours that the whole thing might be getting you down and you're as "happy as larry" doing what you're doing and being where you are.

Simply agree to let the cameras follow you around for a day and bingo, everyone can see that you're really up to the job and having the time of your life.

Ahem.

But of course it didn't quite turn out that way - perhaps because it isn't the case for Dati - as viewers of M6's weekly news magazine "66 minutes" discovered last Sunday.

A clip from the programme (filmed in September) shows her, seemingly forgetting that she still has an open micro attached, making a personal 'phone call during which she expresses her true feelings about the job and how she's convinced she won't last the course.

Rachida Dati craque au PE
par liberation

"I'm in the parliamentary chamber in Strasbourg," we hear her saying.

"I'm exhausted. I'm exhausted," she repeats.

"I think there'll be some sort of drama before I finish my mandate," Dati continues.

"I have to stay here because there are some journalists around and then there's the vote on confirming (José Manuel) Barroso" re-election.

"When you're in Strasbourg they can see whether or not you're voting."

Oops.

The clip first seen by a limited audience - namely those watching the programme - has inevitably found its way on to the Net.

Of course Dati never really wanted to stand for the European parliament in the first place, and even during the campaign showed herself to have less-than-a-firm grasp of issues...a trait she repeated recently when asked about European objectives for the climate change summit in Copenhagen and answered confidently by saying that it was "to reduce the temperature by two degrees Celsius."

But what exactly was it the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, said earlier this year when he "encouraged" Dati to stand in June's European parliamentary election - after (the then junior minister for human rights) Rama Yade refused?

Oh yes.

"The way France can best maintain its role in Europe is by sending the 'best' to the European parliament."

Rama Yade under fire - again

It hasn't been an easy time recently for France's junior minister for sports, Rama Yade, who is trouble again.

This time around it's over her opposition to the government's plan to abolish the droit à l'image collective (DIC) des sportifs professionnels: a tax break if you will, which currently saves rugby and football clubs in particular millions of euros each year as up to 30 per cent of a player's income can be treated as "image rights".

Yade has refused to toe the line, warning that the change would be "dangerous for the competitive status of French sport".

This latest clash comes just a couple of weeks after she broke ranks with the rest of the government by expressing disquiet publicly over the proposed nomination (later withdrawn) of the French president Nicolas Sarkozy's second son, Jean, to head Epad, the development agency for business district of La Defense on the outskirts of Paris.

The reaction, and in particular criticism of Yade from her own party, the ruling centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) , over her opposition to the DIC amendment, has been swift.

"(Rama Yade) has failed to show solidarity within the government," the prime minister, François Fillon, said on Tuesday.

"I have told her that the consequences will have to be faced."

Those consequences could see Yade losing her job entirely.

Already there have been rumblings from the Elysée palace (Sarkozy's office) that she doesn't "know how to be a team player" and that there will more than likely be another government reshuffle after next year's regional elections in March.

Oh yes - and therein lies another issue.

The UMP party wants Yade to contest the Val-d'Oise département in the Ile de France region surrounding the French capital.

But Yade is resisting the pressure saying she doesn't want to be perceived as an "ethnic parachute" and would prefer to stand in another Ile de France département, that of Hauts-de-Seine, where she is already a local representative.

Yade of course is no stranger to controversy.

Indeed during her time as junior minister for human rights from June 2007 until summer this year she almost seemed to court it, often at loggerheads with government colleagues and in particular Sarkozy.

She had more than a few run-ins with her big boss and was frequently been hauled in for private ticking-offs such as during the visit of the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi to this country in December 2007 for example, when Yade spoke out in public and criticised the Libyan leader's human rights record.

Yade was also the object of a more public dressing down when she refused to stand for election to the European parliament, preferring to concentrate on he domestic political career.

In June this year of course things came to a head. The position she had previously held was scrapped entirely and Yade became junior minister for sports: a post widely interpreted as a demotion and a way of keeping her quiet but not getting rid of her entirely.

The thinking perhaps was that while keeping her in government, after all she regularly ranks in opinion polls as one of the country's most popular figures, there was little she could do from such a position to draw attention to herself!

Rachida Dati's latest front cover

When the former French justice minister and now member of the European parliament, Rachida Dati, makes the headlines in France it's hard to know whether it'll be for political reasons or because she's a - well for want of a better word - celebrity.

It was only a matter of time perhaps, but in terms of content and true to form it's rather the latter which marks her "return" with the front cover of last week's copy of Gala, showing a smiling Dati with daughter, Zohra.

And of course a photo spread and complete interview can be found within the pages of the weekly glossy, with Dati answering some personal and professional questions.

Dati, you might remember, was on paper at least, a pretty smart choice when she was appointed justice minister back in June 2007.

She was the first person, let alone woman, of North African origin to hold a top government post and she was seen as a symbol of just about everything the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy could wish for as he set about the task of "remodelling" the political landscape of the country.

But her time in office went slightly pear-shaped as her department haemorrhaged staff during her tenure, she went wildly over-budget in her entertainment expenses at a time when the government as a whole was recommending economic frugality, and her attempts to reform the antiquated French judicial system weren't helped by her personal style with her being lambasted as incompetent by many within the profession and the political opposition.

She was also mocked untiringly by the weekly satirical le Canard Enchaîné, and so long seemingly protected by Sarkozy, she gradually found herself exiled from the inner circle of ministers consulted over government strategy.

Even though she was successfully parachuted in to a safe seat for the governing centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) in last year's local elections to become mayor of the seventh arrondissement of Paris, Dati's days in government were numbered.

And the final straw perhaps was her highly-publicised pregnancy; she isn't married and refused to name the father of her daughter born in January.

Her rapid return to work just days after giving birth to Zohra and the appearance of "business as usual" gave rise to the inevitable polemic as to whether she had "done the right thing" and a couple of weeks later Sarkozy quashed all speculation about what would happen to her political career (in the short term at least) by announcing that Dati would be running for a sure-fire seat in the European parliamentary elections in June, a move which would see her leave the government.

Dati might now be based in Brussels and Strasbourg for her job and her appearances within the French media less frequent, but she can still sell a few extra copies of a magazine.

And that's especially true when there's an "exclusive interview" and she promises to describe how motherhood has changed her life, her "painful" departure from government, possible aspirations to become her party's candidate for mayor of Paris in 2014 and more, much more (readers are promised).

But if you're hoping for revelations about the identity of Zohra's father, you'll be disappointed.

Dati is standing firm in her decision not to divulge his name.

"I'm not playing," she says. "It's my choice and our decision," she tells the magazine.

"Those that I love are reliable people."

A new challenge for Rachida Dati - mayor of Paris?

Well if the latest report in the national daily, le Parisien, is to be believed, that's exactly what the former French justice minister and recently-elected European parliamentarian has in mind.

Dati apparently wants to be the centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire's (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP), candidate for the post of mayor of the capital in the next municipal elections, due in 2014.

Yes it might seem years away, but Dati is reportedly gunning for a return to the domestic political arena.

She's already mayor of the capital's VII arrondissement, having won election in March 2008 after being parachuted in as the UMP's candidate for what was to all intents and purposes a shoo-in for the party.

And now apparently her sights are set on even bigger things.

The paper reports that Dati rang the French prime minister, François Fillon, at the weekend, and left a message on his answerphone making clear her motivation and determination to make a return to the domestic political scene.

"Dear François, I just wanted to tell you that the position of mayor really interest me and there's a strong possibility that I'll put my name forward," she's reported as saying.

"Especially as the last time we spoke about it, you said you weren't interested."

Fillon, says the paper, responded shortly afterwards with an sms saying he had listened to her message.

There are perhaps a couple of major obstacles standing in the way of Dati's ambitions.

Not least of them is the fact that she doesn't have an easy relationship with some advisors close to the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy.

Indeed they are widely thought to be behind the distance Sarkozy put between himself and his erstwhile protégée last year.

Remember he brought Dati into the government in June 2007 as the first person, let alone woman, of North African descent to hold a top ministerial position.

It was generally seen as a pretty smart choice by Sarkozy as part of his policy of "opening up" the government and French politics to make it better reflect political and ethnic diversity in the country.

But her management skills, extravagant lifestyle, departmental overspending and perceived incompetence (from political critics and the judiciary alike) often saw her become the focus of media ridicule.

She gradually lost favour with the president to the extent of first being excluded from the so-called "G7" or inner circle of ministers consulted over future government strategy and then being "strongly encouraged" by Sarkozy himself to stand for election to the European parliament.

Granted, he was reported as promising her a return to the national scene at some undisclosed future date, but it was hard to overcome the feeling that she had in fact been pushed into standing.

Another no-less substantial hurdle perhaps to any chance Dati might have of becoming the party's candidate for the position is the decision by Fillon of exactly what he wants to do in the future.

He is also being touted as being in the running for the same job as the UMP attempts to wrest control from the Socialist Party in 2014. That party's current incumbent, Bertrand Delanoë is thought unlikely to seek a third term.

Mind you Fillon's name has also been linked to a possible job in Europe as a commissioner, or better still as the first President of the European Council, should the Lisbon treaty ever see the light of day.

But that of course is all speculation and a still a way off.

For the moment the focus is once again on Dati and, says Le Parisien, she wants to show how serious she is about remaining a serious contender for the post in 2014 by involving herself - either directly or indirectly - in regional elections scheduled in France for next year.

Dati may only be freshly installed in Brussels and Strasbourg, but that doesn't mean she's going to stay out of the headlines back home.

An iceberg in Paris

Anyone in the French capital on Tuesday might have done something of a double take as they passed along the river Seine.

Because not far away from the city's world-famous landmark, the Eiffel Tower, they would have seen an iceberg.

It was, of course, not a natural phenomenon, but a 16-metre one constructed by the environmental organisation Greenpeace, and was meant to serve as a timely reminder to the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, and other world leaders that global warming and climate are issues that need to be tackled.

Timely as well as symbolic, because it came as Sarkozy, along with United States president, Barack Obama, Russian president, Dmitry Medvedev, and leaders of Britain, Canada, Germany Italy and Japan along with European Union representatives were preparing to meet in L'Aquilia, Italy for the G8 summit which opens on Wednesday.

At the base of the structure, Greenpeace had also placed placards reading "Sarkozy : climate leadership now!" and "G8 : climate leadership now!", once again a call for leaders to show action to back up their promises as far as the environmental organisation was concerned.

And the director of Greenpeace, France, Pascal Husting, had few words of praise for the "efforts" of the French president, who has made environmental issues a centrepiece of his domestic political agenda.

"Nicolas Sarkozy has made a number of speeches and claims to be the champion in the battle against global warming," he said in a statement.

"But he has so far failed to show the political will to really do anything about it."

Husting also insisted that Europe could "and should" take the lead in the battle against global warming "in light of the current inability of the Barack Obama, to fulfil that role."

Climate change will be one of the issues topping the agenda during the G8 summit, and many environmental experts expect leaders to make their strongest statement yet on global warming with an agreement that global greenhouse gas emissions must be cut by 50 per cent by 2050.

Once again heavy on the symbolism perhaps, the Greenpeace iceberg is due to be taken down on Wednesday, the day the G8 opens.

The future looks rosé for French wine

Unexpectedly perhaps France has won its battle with most of the rest of the 27-nation European Union to prevent the introduction of proposals that would have seen a change to the traditional way in which rosé wine is made in Europe.

On Monday the European agriculture commissioner, Mariann Fischer Boel, said that Brussels was abandoning plans to adopt the "blending" practice, or simple mixing of red and white wines, used by producers in some other parts of the world.

France, and in particular the powerful wine producing lobby in this country, had wanted the existing method of production to remain "as is" and had maintained that any change would seriously pose a threat to both the traditional way of making rosé wine and livelihoods.

The dispute had pitted France against a majority of the other EU members who had collectively agreed in principle in January with the Commission directive.

In April though, bowing to French pressure, Fischer Boel agreed to review the proposals before taking a final decision.

At the time the French agriculture minister, Michel Barnier, remained hopeful that a compromise of some sort could be found even though he admitted that the chances of France "winning" were slim.

"It's true that we're somewhat isolated in our stance to wish to preserve the traditional methods whereas the majority of our partners favour authorising blending," he said.

"We're perhaps on out own here, but I hope that at least there'll be a change of heart and an agreement can be reached."

In the end though the arguments of both the French and Italians, the two largest producers of rosé wine in the EU, "won the day" with Fischer Boel apparently taking on board the arguments of both countries.

"It's important that we listen to our producers when they are concerned about changes to the regulations," she said in a statement.

"It has become clear over recent weeks that a majority in our wine sector believe that ending the ban on blending could undermine the image of traditional rose.

While maintaining tradition might well have played its part in the EU's decision to drop the proposals, economic factors were probably also taken into account.

Rosé wine consumption is up - both at here in France and abroad - and has seen a steady rise over the last 15 years.

Heading the list of rosé wine producers are three European countries, all of which use the traditional method; France - 29 per cent of the global production at 5.9 million hectolitres, followed by Italy and Spain with 4.5 million and 3.8 million hectolitres respectively.

"Common sense has prevailed," said Roque Pertusa, the president of the Fédération des caves coopératives du Var in the south of the country.

"Full liberalisation just to try to compete with countries outside of Europe wouldn't have been a good idea," he added.

"It wouldn't have been worth it to put 30 years worth of work at risk to try to compete with the two million hectolitres of (blended) wine that enter the EU every year."

Santé, as they would say here in France.

Low turnout "wins" European elections in France

What to make of how the French voted in the European parliamentary elections?

Well at face value the centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP), and Europe Ecologie (Greens) were the big "winners" here while the Socialist party and the centre party, Mouvement démocrate (MoDem) were the "losers".

But the most telling factor of Sunday's vote perhaps was the high abstention rate, with 51 per cent of France's eligible 44 million voters not bothering to go to the polls.

Of course it's not a trend isolated to this country, but France was one of the founder-members, is a major EU player and only last December was coming to the end of its spell as the EU "big cheese" as it handed over the six-month rotating presidency to the Czech Republic.

The overall results of the European parliamentary elections appear to reflect a general shift to the centre-right throughout the 27-nation bloc, and France would seem at first sight to have been no exception.

Indeed the results here are widely billed internationally as the governing UMP having "thrashed" the Socialist party.

And it's certainly true that the UMP of the French president Nicolas Sarkozy did well with almost 28 per cent of the votes and 29 seats while the Socialist party put in a poor performance to win just 14 seats and garner a little over 16 per cent of the popular vote.

But there were a number of factors at play and of course the interpretation put on what happened also depends to a great extent on political spin.

First up before looking at the results here and what they might or might not mean, it's important once again to look at the voter turnout.

As predicted and feared by many political pundits and politicians, it was abysmal. Just 41 per cent nationally - the lowest ever for a European parliamentary election in France.

So in a real sense none of the parties managed to convince the electorate that the issues at stake were worth voting for.

A shame really as the new parliament will have an even bigger role in shaping legislation that will have an enormous impact on the everyday lives of all EU citizens.

Still that's a message that parties in France (as elsewhere) failed to get across and indeed in the last weeks of what was, by any assessment, a lacklustre campaign, the focus was either on domestic issues such as security, or personal attacks on other members of political parties.

Simply put though the results from Sunday's vote suggest there were two big winners in France; the centre-right UMP and Europe Ecologie (Greens).

And there were of course two big losers, the Socialist party and the centre MoDem.

There's no doubt the UMP did better than many had expected, but there still has to be a doubt as to whether the result can really be said to have been a vote of confidence in the government and its policies.

Even if Sarkozy tries to use the results as a ringing endorsement of the government's policies and a springboard for more legislative reform, they're surely far from being that.

Few "European" issues were addressed during the campaign no matter how much "spin" is put on the results, and Sarkozy's domestic popularity remains low.

The other big winner was undoubtedly Europe Écologie (Greens) which garnered more than 16 per cent of the vote to finish in third spot just behind the Socialist party although the two will return exactly the same number of MEPs - 14.

The reasons for its success are probably three-fold.

Firstly, the undoubted failure of the Socialist party to overcome its internal differences and present a united front to the electorate.

Secondly the charismatic leadership of Daniel Cohn-Bendit and the inclusion of both Eva Joly and José Bové on the party's list.

In the end though it may well have been the leader of MoDem, François Bayrou, trading insults with Cohn-Bendit last Thursday that helped the Europe Ecologie do well and simultaneously damage MoDem's chances, and thus making it one of the "losers".

Before the two sparred off against each other, MoDem had been ahead in the polls and had been predicted to gain anything between 11 and 14 per cent going into the election.

Instead it has ended up with 8.45 per cent of the vote and just six MEPs.

That's being largely seen as a backlash and a reaction to the criticism there was the day after Bayrou accused Cohn-Bendit of "defending paedophilia" and being a personal friend of Sarkozy.

And Cohn-Bendit's barb that Bayrou was only interested in being president in 2012, which "you'll never be because you're pathetic," might well have had the ring of truth about it for many a voter.

Along with MoDem, the other big "loser" was of course the Socialist party.

But perhaps that's no real surprise, even to its most ardent supporters.

The party has been in turmoil for several years now and of course the infighting reached its pinnacle at the end of last year when Martine Aubry and Ségolène Royal fought a bitter battle for the leadership.

Aubry "won" but Royal never really accepted "defeat" and even though the two women publicly buried the hatchet in the run up to Sunday's election, it was widely seen as a rather poorly stage-managed and unbelievable peace pact.

In addition the Socialist party has also been criticised for failing to put across any specifically European political programme during campaigning (admittedly it was not alone in that).

Before the election Aubry had set the target of 20 per cent as a result to aim for.

The party won just a little over 16 per cent, which might not be as bad as its worst ever performance back in 1994 (14.49 per cent) but must still be sending alarm bells ringing over its prospects in the 2012 French presidential elections.

Alongside the four main political parties, there'll also be representatives from both the far-left and the far-right from the French political spectrum in the new European parliament with four seats for the former and three for the latter (including Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter Marine).

And along with the one member from Libertas France (a combination of Mouvement pour la France, and Chasse, Pêche, Nature et Traditions, CPNT) a total of 72 French MEPs will take up their seats when the next session gets underway.

Rachida Dati - set to music

It's often said that politics and sport shouldn't be mixed, but when it comes to politics and music it would seem - at least here in France - it's another matter altogether.

Proof if it were needed is the latest buzz surrounding a video posted on the Net just over a week ago; a love song dedicated to none other than the country's justice minister, Rachida Dati.

It comes courtesy of the French rapper, Dirty Dahn, and his sidekick Richie Rich, and the pair have come up with what is to all intents and purposes a (French) remake of another video posted on YouTube back in 2007 in which a young woman rather seductively lip-synched her way through "I Got A Crush...On Obama".

This time around though it's "Amoureux de Rachida" and while Dati might not be in the same league, politically-speaking, as the US president, since first appearing on the Net the clip has already received more than 130,000 hits.

The timing couldn't be better. With the European parliamentary elections due on June 7, Dati will give up her current day job if as expected she's elected.

Amoureux de Rachida
Uploaded by dirty-dahn. - Explore more music videos.

Dati, you might remember, was on paper at least, a pretty smart choice when she was appointed justice minister back in June 2007.

She was the first person, let alone woman, of North African origin to hold a top government post and she was seen as a symbol of just about everything the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy could wish for as he set about the task of "remodelling" the political landscape of the country.

But she has had a pretty tough time of it over the past two years. Even though there has been general political support from all quarters for the need for reform of the antiquated French justice system, Dati has been lambasted for total incompetence by many within the profession and her office has haemorrhaged staff.

She has been criticised for her high-fashion profile, regular appearances on the front pages of weekly glossy magazines, and being a spendthrift.

Once a close aide and confidante of the French president (and his former wife, Cécilia) Dati gradually fell out of favour, and the last straw seemed to be her highly-publicised pregnancy; she isn't married and has refused to name the father of her daughter, born in January.

Dati's now standing for election to the European parliament as number two on the list for Ile de France (the region of Paris and its surrounding area) for the governing centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) party.

It wasn't exactly a "choice" with which she appeared thrilled, leaving the domestic political arena for the European one, and was widely perceived as a decision Sarkozy forced upon her.

And Dati's lack of enthusiasm appears to have been reflected in the run-up to the election, during which she has been less than convincing on the campaign stump.

Since putting in a much-criticised appearance at a question-and-answer session at a meeting of young members of the UMP back in May when she seemed to many to have only an iffy grasp of European issues, Dati has taken a relatively low profile in the campaign.

But that hasn't deterred Dahn.

Although there has been no official response to the latest musical "tribute" from Dati herself, it's perhaps somehow fitting that a woman who has seemingly thrived on publicity during her two-year tenure as justice minister, should leave office with the words of true "appreciation" ringing in her ears with Dahn hoping maybe for a speedy return with, "J'espère que l'on va se voir bientôt."

Ah where would we all be without the Internet?

Who's bothering to vote in the European elections?

June 4-7, depending on where you live in the European Union, will see the 27-nation bloc's circa 380 million eligible voters go to the polls in what's billed as the "biggest trans-national elections in history".

Well that's the theory at least, because while there are reasons aplenty for everyone to get out there and exercise their right to vote, it's unlikely to happen.

Economic growth, unemployment and inflation might well be the major themes both the outgoing parliamentarians and national governments want to be at the centre of the upcoming election, but one thing alone is likely to characterise the vote.

Apathy.

All polls indicate that this, the seventh time EU voters will have gone to the polls to elect a European parliament of 736 members (MEPs), promises to be one with a low turnout.

According to the latest Eurobarometer survey, only 34 percent say they intend to vote, with 15 per cent saying they won't vote under any circumstances.

A recent report in the New York Times says that the European parliament itself has "gone on the offensive" in trying to encourage people to vote, but there's still little sign that the campaign is having the desired effect.

In fact the call - generally speaking - seems to be falling on deaf ears.

Given the powers that the new parliament will have in terms of the potential for rejecting or amending proposals made by the European Commission, and the influence it has on legislation affecting the everyday lives of a majority of its citizens, it's perhaps more than worrying that governments throughout the EU can't drum up a little more enthusiasm among the electorate.

Worrying, but perhaps not surprising as, again according to Eurobarometer, so few people actually know who their MEP is - 68 per cent.

There's plenty of information out there apparently. It just doesn't seem to be hitting home - not even in France, one of the founder members of the EU.

It's barely six months since France held the six-month rotating presidency of the EU, and it'll be returning 72 MEPs to serve for five years, but only 44 per cent of the French say they intend to vote, according to a recent poll published by Ipsos.

The French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, is out on the stump campaigning, and there are some high profile cabinet ministers standing for election, including Michel Barnier (agriculture) and Rachida Dati (justice) but the enthusiasm of the electorate would seem to be, well less than overwhelming.

All right so there was a brief flash of media interest last week when the opposition Socialist party maintained that the governing centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) party was using a televised spot aimed at encouraging the French to vote, as political propaganda.

In other words the government, it was claimed, was trying to persuade the electorate to cast their ballots for the UMP, and the Socialist party made a complaint to the Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel (CSA) calling for the clip be suspended.

The CSA rejected the request.

Elections Européennes - 7 juin 2009
by SIG-PM

But television schedules have hardly been dominated by stories stressing the supposed importance of the election.

And one final thing, which might just be anecdotal.

It's now just two weeks before voters in France go to the polls - and how much info has popped through my letter box?

None - absolutely nothing.

Maybe 50 kilometres from the French capital is of little interest to the parties fielding candidates.

It surely comes as something of a surprise in an election in which not only are high level candidates heading the lists for the Ile de France region, the area surrounding and including Paris, and but one that's also, so we're constantly being told by politicians, important for the future of the 27-nation bloc.

If that's a pattern being repeated throughout the whole of the EU, then there's perhaps little wonder that so few will be making the effort to cast their vote.

Bernard Kouchner a French Socialist in UMP clothing?

Ah politics is often the home of the fickle it would appear. And nowhere more so than in France, where the protagonists switch sides and allegiances almost "on a whim" it would seem - or should that read "where they perceive potential for personal glory"?

Such is the case of Bernard Kouchner, the French foreign minister, who has finally come clean and said he'll be throwing his weight behind the centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) list for the European parliamentary elections in June.

So what? You might well be asking.

Well "so something" apparently because Kouchner, although a government minister, is not a member of the UMP. And indeed his political career has been one marked mainly by his support and involvement on the Left of the French political spectrum.

Plus there's no doubting Kouchner's popularity among the general public here in France. He regularly tops the polls of the nation's favourite political figures. So people take note of what he says and does - and they seem to like it.

In a sense Kouchner's political career is typically French.

In other words he has shown himself willing and able to change allegiances whenever it has suited him and refuses to be bound by political dogmatism.

Mind you he's not alone in the world of (French) politics where individuals form alliances for the "moment" almost, find "best friends" and then "turn on them" at a later date.

There are two examples of just such behaviour from ministers in the current government: Hervé Morin, (minister of defence) the former close ally of François Bayrou, the leader of the centre party MoDem, and Eric Besson (minister of immigration).

Besson was a member of the Socialist party and an advisor to its candidate in the last presidential election, Ségolène Royal, but quit to change sides in the middle of the campaign back in 2007.

But that's seemingly par for the course in French politics and the stuff of further tales. For the moment, back to Kouchner.

Just at the weekend in an interview with the national daily Le Parisien, Kouchner said that he didn't yet know how he would vote in the elections and was waiting to see each party's programme.

Less than 24 hours later however, he had managed to speed read his way through the manifestos of all this country's major political parties and, as the satirical French website Bakchich pointed out, had come to a conclusion in double-quick time.

Political commentators mused on the fact that two of Kouchner's cabinet colleagues, Michel Barnier (agriculture) and Rachida Dati (justice) are both standing for election (they'll have to step down if as expected they are successful), and the foreign minister had "perhaps" come under pressure to make his position clear.

For Kouchner though, the decision was obvious.

"It's the conception of Europe I've always supported and one which I always hope will overcome national differences and partisan logic," he said.

"That's the concept of Europe of the government to which I belong."

By any stretch of the imagination, Kouchner's support for the UMP is something of a long path from his political roots. But there again perhaps not so much of a surprise as he's an international humanitarian heavyweight and has often been described as a loose cannon given to plain talking

He began his political career as a member of the French Communist party, from which he was thrown out in 1966, and although he hasn't always been a paid-up member of the Socialist party (indeed he isn't at the moment) he served as health minister three times between 1992 and 2002 under two different Socialist prime ministers; Pierre Bérégovoy (once) and Lionel Jospin (twice).

He was a co-founder of both Médecins Sans Frontières and later Médecins du monde (he left the former after a bust-up to help set up the latter).

In 1999 he was nominated as the first UN Special Representative in Kosovo, a post he held for 18 months.

Kouchner twice narrowly missed out on top international jobs – in 2005 when he was, a candidate for the position of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and a year later when a contender to become Director-General of the World Health Organisation.

Although he is an internationally renowned and respected figure many put his failure to land either post down to reluctance within the international community to throw their support behind an advocate for humanitarian interventions.

One final thing perhaps, lest we forget Kouchner's political track record and just in case it isn't already clear by now that he's not a man who easily fits into the mould of a party player.

Back in the 1994 European parliamentary elections he was third on the list headed by the Socialist Michel Rocard.

But how did he vote? For another party reportedly - that of that of Bernard Tapie.

So who's to know whether his public statements this time around will be followed through in the very private act of voting?

French rosé winemakers see red

There has been a row brewing between France and the European Commission since the beginning of the year and it's all likely to come to a head at the end of this month.

It concerns the status - or more accurately the composition - of one of this country's most hallowed traditions - wine-making.

And more precisely what exactly should constitute a rosé.

In essence the dispute threatens to pit France against the other 26 members of the European Union, all of which agreed collectively in principle in January with a European Commission directive that would change the rules by which rosé wine could be produced in Europe.

At the moment it's created in the traditional way from red wine grapes which have been left to soak for a shorter time than would be necessary to make red wine.

The alternative practice in some other parts of the world is "blending", the simple mixing of red and white wines.

Brussels (home to the European Commission) now wants blending to be allowed in Europe to create rosé.

France - and in particular the large lobby of vintners in this country - wants the existing method of production to remain as it is and says any change would seriously threaten a tradition and livelihoods.

But the European Commission sees things rather differently. The French business daily Les Echos explains that as far as the Commission is concerned a change in the rules would open up the whole process of making rosé wine more flexible and less bound by tradition.

In doing so it would allow Europe to exploit emerging markets such as China and make its wine industry as a whole more competitive with those from other parts of the world such as Australia and South Africa.

Both countries already produce rosé using the blended method of production.

The economics are certainly something that haven't escaped wine-makers attention - both in Europe and internationally.

Rosé wine consumption is up - both at home and abroad - and has seen a steady rise over the last 15 years.

And heading the list of rosé wine producers are three European countries, all of which use the traditional method; France - 29 per cent of the global production at 5.9 million hectolitres, followed by Italy and Spain with 4.5 million and 3.8 million hectolitres respectively.

If the directive were to be universally adopted throughout the EU, France would be forced to make that change in the way it produces rosé.

Vintners here are worried. especially in the region of Provence a part of the country renowned for its rosé , that not only a tradition is under threat, but also livelihoods and jobs.

"It would be a terrible blow to the consumption of rosé which has grown considerably in the last decade and a half," according to François Millo the director of Provence winemakers' association (conseil interprofessionnel des vins de Provence).

And that's a view shared by Linda Schaller, the commercial director of Château Les Crostes in
Lorgues, in Var, Provence.

"Blending would mean that the wine would no longer be a rosé (in the real sense)," she insists.

"If the directive were adopted, then it would take something away that belongs to our tradition."

The French agriculture minister, Michel Barnier (who coincidentally will be heading the ruling centre-rightUnion pour un Mouvement Populaire, Union for a Popular Movement, UMP's list in the Ile de France region for the upcoming June European, parliamentary elections) remains optimistic that a compromise can be found that will also satisfy French wine producers.

"It's true that we're somewhat isolated in our stance to wish to preserve the traditional methods whereas the majority of our partners favour authorising blending," he admits.

"We're perhaps on out own here, but I hope that at least there'll be a change of heart and an agreement can be reached."

Part of that agreement could involve a two tier system of labelling as suggested by French wine makers, which would distinguish between "blended" rosé and that made using the traditional production methods.

"We are aware of the worries of producers from certain regions (in France) and in particular Provence, and those expressed by Michel Barnier. and we're going to look into how to react," says Michael Mann, a spokesman on agricultural affairs at the Commission.

A final decision on exactly what form the directive will take is expected on April 27.

Illegal immigrants, the easily forgotten many

With the financial crisis dominating the recent European Union summit in Brussels, it was easy to miss another important decision that will effect the daily lives of millions living within the 27-nation bloc and even more outside of it.

On Thursday EU leaders rubber stamped the European Pact on Immigration and Asylum.

Some six million illegal immigrants are currently thought to be in the EU and the principle behind the pact is to find a common way forward for the 27 countries to "manage" immigration, set limits and co-ordinate the labour needs of the bloc.

As France currently holds the six-month rotating presidency of the EU, it had the job of drawing up the so-called "preamble" to the pact.

And when leaders approved it on Thursday, they were formally recognising that, "the EU doesn't have the resources to receive decently all migrants hoping to find a better life here."

Cruelly put perhaps, that could be interpreted as a way of keeping the "unwanted" out while welcoming in those deemed "worthy".

Of course a proper in-depth look at the plight of illegal immigrants and asylum seekers isn't really the stuff of sound bites, 700-word posts or even the standard two-and-a-half minute slots on prime time news. But that's about what it got on last night's broadcast here on the national channel TF1.

All the same, and even though it was buried half way through the programme, it still drove home just how complex and complicated an issue it is.

Away from political decisions being taken in Brussels, the report took a look at the realities facing refugees in the northern French town of Calais.

There used to be a refugee camp in Sangatte just outside the town. It was closed down in 2002, by the then minister of the interior, Nicolas Sarkozy.

Since that time, those seeking to make the trip across the channel to the El Dorado that is supposedly awaiting them on the other side in Britain, have been forced to camp in the most appalling conditions.

They live in makeshift tents in the open air in an area that has been nicknamed "The Jungle". They're regularly rounded up and hauled off to the nearest police station, only to be released a little later.

Many don't have papers, and if they do, are often from countries such as Iraq, Afghanistan or Eritrea, with authorities unwilling or unable to expel them.

With little or nothing to eat, they rely on the generosity of voluntary organisations such as L’association la Belle Etoile, which serves food to ever increasing numbers.

On the day of filming there were more than 500 men, women and children standing in line, waiting.

The goal of those who have already travelled thousands of kilometres is to reach Britain, a country where many are convinced "life is good" according to one of the association's volunteers, Christian Salomé.

"For many, they have the impression that it's a country where everything is perfect," he said.

"When we speak to them, most of them tell us that they have a brother, a friend or someone from their village who's already there, and has passed on the information that the conditions there are magnificent," he added.

Although that's far from being the case as the report made clear, it remains a view clearly held by many who have made the journey this far and are ready in the early hours of the morning to try to stow themselves aboard a lorry bound for Britain.

The reality of what they can expect once there might be far from their dreams, but it surely cannot be as much of a nightmare as they're currently experiencing.

Many arrive in northern France already weak and sick, and volunteers, who have run a local medical centre since 2006 simply don't have the resources available to cope.

There are just four showers for 500 people.

"What we can provide here is just a brief shelter, said Mariam Rachid, one of those volunteers.

"We see women and children living under inhumane conditions. It's unacceptable."

After months of travelling to get as far as northern France, in conditions perhaps worse than the ones they're now experiencing, many are prepared to endure even more hardship in the hope of making the 34 kilometres that separate them from their final goal.

The cameras showed one man, whose face wasn't visible, insisting that across the channel awaited a better life.

"In Britain they'll give me money and everything I need to live," he said.

"Are you sure of that?" asked the reporter.

"Yes I'm certain," he replied. "That's why everyone wants to go there."

Of course last night's report is far from being an isolated case, either here in Europe or in many other parts of the world.

But when it's on your own door step - so to speak - it's hard to ignore, at least for the two-and-a-half minutes worth of television airtime it was given in French sitting rooms on Wednesday evening.

Immigration may be a political "problem" but as the report reminded those who were watching, it has a very human face.

Sarkozy says Ireland should vote again

A week can be a very long time in politics as everyone knows, but at least it gives leaders the chance to neatly backtrack on, or revise what they've previously said.

Such is the case with the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, who just last week told the members of the European Parliament that he would use the next six month's of France's term at the helm of the European Union to find a solution to June's "no" vote by Ireland of the Lisbon treaty.

Now it turns out he's putting pressure on the Irish to vote again - and get it right second time around, or else.

"The Irish must vote again and I shall use a veto against any enlargement unless there's a reform of the (EU's) institutions", he said on Tuesday.

That's quite a development in the space of less than seven days - even by Sarkozy's standards.

Last week he said that a solution to the impasse had to be found, but gave no concrete proposals how that might be achieved

"I will go to Ireland on 21 July to listen and talk and try to find solutions," he told MEPs.

"The French presidency will propose a method and, I hope, a solution will be found by either in October or in December."

Perhaps his latest comments, which came during a lunchtime reception held at his official residence, the Elysée palace, for members of the governing centre-right Union pour un Mouvement Populaire, Union for a Popular Movement, UMP) are Sarkozy's ideas of "proposing a method".

But many here in France and abroad will surely interpret it as cack-handed, bully boy tactics, forcing the Irish to vote again until they deliver the result that everyone else wants.

October and December are the two occasions on which the 27 heads of state and government will meet to try to find a more "diplomatic" solution to the dilemma in which the EU now finds itself.

On the table are possible concessions to the Irish such as a reassurance that the EU will not try to come up with any all-encompassing policy on abortion and also make a further assurance to guarantee Ireland's neutrality.

While the ratification process is proceeding (gradually) in the other 26 member states, the EU might have to wait until next June for the full endorsement of the Lisbon treaty

That's when voters throughout Europe will go to the polls to elect a new European parliament and some commentators here have suggested that it could be the ideal time for the Irish to piggyback another attempt at ratification.

The Lisbon treaty was the compromise to the proposed EU Constitution, rejected by both French and Dutch voters in 2005

Its purpose is to streamline EU decision-making following the enlargement of the bloc to 27 members, and create a new EU president and foreign affairs chief.

But before it can come into force, it needs to be ratified by all 27 member states.

Only Ireland is constitutionally bound to hold referendum on the treaty.

Sarkozy is due to visit Ireland on July 21.

Sarkozy muscles in on EU reform

It's just under a fortnight until France takes over the six-month rotating presidency of the European Union and already the rest of Europe is getting a taste of what it can expect.

At a meeting of EU leaders in Brussels on Thursday, Sarkozy said the Union would not be able to go ahead with any further expansion without ratification of the Lisbon treaty.

And guess what? He's right - but that isn't the immediate issue at hand.

Sarkozy is a somewhat lukewarm supporter of further expansion of the EU - especially if it were to include Turkey - and has in his usual way managed to make the current controversy over the Irish rejection of "his" Lisbon treaty even more muddled.

He has linked institutional reform, which just about everyone agrees is outdated for the enlarged Union of 27, with further expansion saying there cannot be one without the other.

While that might be very true the real issue at the moment is how to deal with the problems that exist now rather than those further down the line.

A VERY quick potted history of recent events without breaking into Eurobabble - never very easy:

Ever since the EU took in 10 new members in May 2004 and then another two at the beginning of 2007 it has been chugging along like the proverbial ship without a rudder haplessly trying to make decisions with a voting system made for 15 countries but with 27 in mind.

Gridlock seemed to be inevitable especially if any real progress in joint foreign, defence and judicial policy were to be agreed and a former French president, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing was put in charge of a commission to come up with the masterplan to end all masterplans - the unfortunately-named Constitution, a term designed to set get the hackles of any sovereign state rising.

And guess what it was the French themselves - along with another stalwart and original founder member of the EU, the Netherlands, who put the kibosh on the thing. Both countries rejected the constitution and leaders were left with egg on their faces.

May 2007 - the election of Action Man here in France, who hijacks an idea of the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, claiming it as his own "mini treaty" and so Lisbon was born - essentially the constitution in the form of a treaty and apparently "simplified".

The Irish were the only country among the 27 required to put the new treaty to a national vote - and we all know what they decided, so now Brussels and the EU are in a sort of limbo with 19 ratifications, six yet to make up their minds and one "no".

So that brings us nicely to yesterday's crisis conference of EU leaders in Brussels and an apparent ultimatum.

Sarkozy's language will perhaps have shocked a few as this is a guy who doesn't pull punches, says what he thinks and doesn't care who he offends in the process.

What he should be saying is something along the lines of "Listen up here fellahs (the Irish) we can't cope now with current size of the Union. Give us a hand and help us out of this mess."

Instead he is being overly aggressive and issuing threats "If you don't do as we (I) say you're going to mess up the party for all of us. Go away and get your act together."

All right that's not exactly how he put it, but you get the gist.

France has had the pleasure of Sarkozy for the past year. Heaven help the rest of Europe over the next six months.

France faces fine over lack of hamster love

Weird but true, France is being threatened with a €17 million penalty if it doesn’t clean up its act and come up with a strategy to save the European hamster, one of the continent’s most threatened species.

Last week the European Commission, the executive branch of the 27-member European Union, gave France a two-month deadline or else it would have to cough up the whopping fine for failing to comply with the Habitats Directive (yes we’re in Eurobabbleland here) to prevent the rodent’s extinction.

The Directive requires all member states to designate sites for conservation and to protect various listed species.

The little fellah at the centre of the warning is the Cricetus cricetus better known as the "great hamster of Alsace" or the black-bellied Hamster, and as one of its name suggests is native to eastern France.

According to the Commission’s statistics – and don’t even begin to ask who does the counting, or how - the number of burrows for the rodent have fallen dramatically in recent years, down from 1,100 in 2001 to just 167 in 2007.

The decline in population is put down to urban development and just as importantly increased levels of farming, both of which have led to the hamster’s loss of natural habitat.

In addition apparently the growth of profitable maize crops has left it with little to eat when it awakes from its winter hibernation in March.

It can’t be an easy job being taken seriously when such concerns are raised, but there is an important lesson to be learned from the decline in the hamster’s population according to the EU’s Environment Commissioner Stavros Dimas.

He insists that the drop in numbers is nature’s way of sending out a bigger message and it’s beholden to everyone to heed that fact.

Brussels issued France a warning last December but maintains that not enough has been done and is now demanding a bigger effort from the French government or else face a fine.

France is also in trouble over its plans to extend the port of Saint Nazaire in the west of the country – a proposal which would destroy 50 hectares of wetlands protected under another EU-wide scheme.

On the surface perhaps it would yet again appear that the EU is doing what its critics would say it does best – handing down seemingly daft orders that are totally out of proportion with many of the other issues it faces.

For example there’s a vital vote on the future of the EU itself on Thursday when Irish voters decide on whether to ratify the so-called mini-treaty. A “no” could scupper plans to revamp its institutions and appoint a permanent president.

It would also leave the French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, floundering to make his six-month rotating presidency of the EU effective, when France takes over in July.

Perhaps though among all the politicking, Sarkozy will spare a thought for the “cute” (in one Commission official’s words) little hamster and save the French taxpayer a hunk of money into the bargain.

After all “The man who saved the hamster” has a certain ring to it - doesn’t it?

Sarkozy sees sense on Blair presidency

It has not been made official yet but it’s already doing the rounds of the media both here in France and across the channel in Britain. The French president, Nicolas Sarkozy, is apparently not going to back former British prime minister, Tony Blair, as a candidate to become the first president of the European Union.

Instead Sarkozy is thought be ready to throw his weight behind the prime minister of Luxembourg, Jean-Claude Juncker.

That should come as a relief to many a committed Europhile. During his decade in office Blair did little to move Britain any closer to the heart of EU policy making. On the contrary, if anything he pandered to a domestic public that had been force-fed euroscepticism for far too long.

Blair showed no political will for adopting a common currency, dragging his heels to such an extent that Britain still remains outside of the Eurozone – a position which is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future.

He also resisted adapting Britain’s justice system to meeting European standards and kept the country outside of the passport-free Schengen zone. In other words Blair hardly had the credentials of a truly committed European,

Then of course there was his perceived “poodling” to US president George W. Bush during the invasion of Iraq, which saw him out of step with the EU’s other two political and economic powerhouses, France and Germany

It might seem somewhat extraordinary that Sarkozy should have put Blair’s name forward in the first place and on the surface at least this latest move marks an about turn for the French president. Just last year he declared Blair’s possible candidacy as a “smart move.”

But that might have been a combination of the rush Sarkozy had from being newly elected – remember he was very much in his omnipresent, firing-on-all-fronts-simultaneously stage - and an attempt to flex his muscles as the new kid on the block.

Dropping support now for Blair though isn’t necessarily a “new” Sarkozy in action. Ever the consummate politician, he would have realised from the outset just how unlikely he was to succeed with proposing Blair. And his apparent about turn could also be interpreted as a calculated move to assert his authority at just the moment when France is preparing to take over the six-month rotating presidency of the EU on July 1.

Sarkozy will be eager to get the timetable rolling along before the end of the year and wrapping up agreement of a common candidate could well help remove hurdles to the process whereby all 27 EU member states have to ratify the Lisbon treaty.

It’s a watered-down version of an earlier proposal for a European constitution, which was rejected by both French and Dutch voters.

Under its proposals a new president would be appointed for two –and –a half years, chairing EU summits, and taking on some of the functions of the current presidency, held on a rotating six-month basis by EU heads of government.

The president would also represent the EU on common foreign and security policy.

Although Sarkozy is now said to favour Juncker, the current president of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Baroso, cannot be ruled out either.

There’s likely to be a fair amount of horse-trading over the coming months with perhaps a compromise candidate being the final option. That is after all the way things have always happened in the past in a smaller EU and enlargement is probably only going to make it a more vital component for reaching an agreement.

Whatever happens, Sarkozy will have his work cut out.